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Workers’ share of America’s income is at a record low, per FORTUNE
BLS and gross-income measures are at lows. National income isn't quite. "Share of capital" is wrong, and a smaller share needn't mean smaller pay.
BLS released third-quarter data on Nov. 5. The nonfarm business labor share was 53.0%, the lowest in the series, and the annual update raised Q2 from 52.8% to 53.3%3,4. Since 2000's average, real hourly compensation is up 25.6% and output per hour 68.3%, by our calculation23,22. Real hourly compensation rose 1.0% over four quarters, so we removed the line that it had stalled3.

Workers’ share of America’s income is at a record low, per FORTUNE
BLS and gross-income measures hit record lows in the latest quarters, back to 1947. Employee pay's share of national income was lower in 1948 and 1950, unless proprietors count. "Share of capital" is wrong. Real hourly compensation, benefits included, is up 25.6% since 2000 by our calculation, and rose 1.0% over the past year. How much is accounting remains disputed.
What the post says or clearly implies, checked one by one. How verdicts work
BLS's nonfarm share (Q3) and BEA's gross-income share (Q2) are at record lows. Employee pay's share of national income isn't: it was lower in 1948 and 1950, by our calculation, unless proprietors count.
The post echoes a Sept. 4 Fortune headline1,2. BLS put the nonfarm share at 53.0% in Q3, "the lowest level in the series"3. Q2 was revised from 52.8% to 53.3%4. Nonfinancial corporate hit its low in Q25. Employee pay was 50.0% of gross domestic income, the quarterly low since 19476,7. Annually, 49.2% of GDP in 1929 is below Q2's 50.3%8,9,6.
Goldman economists attribute about 40% of the 7.5-point drop since the 1990s to measurement10. The Tax Foundation, netting out depreciation and taxes and counting no proprietors' income, gets 68.3% of net income against about 69% in the late 1940s, and calls that a round trip11. Mike Konczal, counting half or all of proprietors' income as labor, calls now "the single lowest reading in the entire 1947-2026 series"12.
On national income, as in Robert Reich's chart, employee pay was 59.7% in Q2, above all of 1948 and 1950 (low: 58.2%). His "since records began" needs a qualifier. With proprietors counted as Konczal does, today is the low, by our calculation13,14,15,16.
A share can fall while pay and hours both rise, if output grows faster. Since 2000 the share fell about 10 points while real hourly compensation rose 25.6% and hours 11.4%, by our calculation. Pay rose 1.0% last year.
Texas A&M economist Raymond Robertson told Fortune this, and that productivity keeps rising18. His sentence assumes a fixed pie. It grew. From 2000's average to Q3 2026, output per hour rose 68.3% and real hourly compensation 25.6%, by our calculation22,23. Part of that gap is price indexes, since BLS's real pay uses consumer prices3,21. With output prices for both, pay rose 41.3%, by our calculation24,25. Hours worked rose 11.4%, by our calculation26. Compensation averages in highly paid CEOs21. Median full-time weekly pay, after inflation, rose 13.1% through Q2, to $378 in 1982–84 dollars, then fell to $370 in Q3, by our calculation27.
Real hourly compensation rose at a 1.1% annual rate in Q3 after falling 1.9% in Q2 (revised from 3.3%), and rose 1.0% over four quarters3. It is back to about its early-2021 level, 1.5% below its spring 2020 high, by our calculation23. Piper Sandler's Donald Schneider argued Oct. 21 that the second-quarter share drop, as first reported, came from the oil shock and was unlikely to last28.
BLS index rebased to 2000's average = 100.
| Month | Real hourly compensation | Output per hour |
|---|---|---|
| Jan. 2000 | 99.9 | 98.3 |
| April 2000 | 99.4 | 100.3 |
| July 2000 | 100.4 | 100.2 |
| Oct. 2000 | 100.3 | 101.2 |
| Jan. 2001 | 101.5 | 100.7 |
| April 2001 | 101.2 | 102.4 |
| July 2001 | 101.1 | 103 |
| Oct. 2001 | 102.1 | 104.3 |
| Jan. 2002 | 102.2 | 106.5 |
| April 2002 | 102.3 | 106.6 |
| July 2002 | 102.3 | 107.4 |
| Oct. 2002 | 101.9 | 107.3 |
| Jan. 2003 | 101.5 | 108.4 |
| April 2003 | 103.4 | 109.8 |
| July 2003 | 104.2 | 112.2 |
| Oct. 2003 | 105.3 | 113.3 |
| Jan. 2004 | 104.2 | 112.9 |
| April 2004 | 105.4 | 114.1 |
| July 2004 | 106.6 | 114.6 |
| Oct. 2004 | 105.9 | 115.2 |
| Jan. 2005 | 106 | 116.4 |
| April 2005 | 106 | 116.3 |
| July 2005 | 105.8 | 117.1 |
| Oct. 2005 | 105.4 | 117.1 |
| Jan. 2006 | 106.9 | 117.9 |
| April 2006 | 106.1 | 117.8 |
| July 2006 | 105.4 | 117.5 |
| Oct. 2006 | 107.5 | 118.3 |
| Jan. 2007 | 108.9 | 118.7 |
| April 2007 | 107.6 | 119.1 |
| July 2007 | 107.4 | 120.1 |
| Oct. 2007 | 107.4 | 121.1 |
| Jan. 2008 | 107.2 | 120.3 |
| April 2008 | 106 | 121.7 |
| July 2008 | 105.5 | 122 |
| Oct. 2008 | 109.4 | 121.3 |
| Jan. 2009 | 107.2 | 122.7 |
| April 2009 | 109.4 | 125.5 |
| July 2009 | 109.4 | 127.5 |
| Oct. 2009 | 109 | 129.2 |
| Jan. 2010 | 107.8 | 129.4 |
| April 2010 | 109.1 | 129.8 |
| July 2010 | 109.4 | 130.7 |
| Oct. 2010 | 108.9 | 131.1 |
| Jan. 2011 | 109.8 | 130.1 |
| April 2011 | 107.6 | 130.2 |
| July 2011 | 107.8 | 129.9 |
| Oct. 2011 | 105.7 | 130.6 |
| Jan. 2012 | 107.6 | 131.2 |
| April 2012 | 107.9 | 131.9 |
| July 2012 | 107.4 | 131.5 |
| Oct. 2012 | 109.4 | 131 |
| Jan. 2013 | 107.4 | 131.7 |
| April 2013 | 108.2 | 131.3 |
| July 2013 | 107.3 | 132.3 |
| Oct. 2013 | 107.8 | 133.5 |
| Jan. 2014 | 109.2 | 132.4 |
| April 2014 | 108 | 133.3 |
| July 2014 | 108.3 | 134.4 |
| Oct. 2014 | 109.7 | 134 |
| Jan. 2015 | 111.7 | 134.8 |
| April 2015 | 111.9 | 135.4 |
| July 2015 | 112.2 | 135.8 |
| Oct. 2015 | 111.9 | 135 |
| Jan. 2016 | 112 | 135.5 |
| April 2016 | 111.6 | 135.6 |
| July 2016 | 111.6 | 136.1 |
| Oct. 2016 | 112.1 | 137 |
| Jan. 2017 | 112.4 | 137.2 |
| April 2017 | 113 | 137.3 |
| July 2017 | 113.9 | 138.4 |
| Oct. 2017 | 114.5 | 139.4 |
| Jan. 2018 | 114.2 | 139.9 |
| April 2018 | 114.2 | 139.9 |
| July 2018 | 114.8 | 140.3 |
| Oct. 2018 | 114.7 | 140.1 |
| Jan. 2019 | 117.2 | 141.2 |
| April 2019 | 116.3 | 142.1 |
| July 2019 | 116 | 143.7 |
| Oct. 2019 | 117.1 | 145.1 |
| Jan. 2020 | 119.5 | 144.5 |
| April 2020 | 127.6 | 151.5 |
| July 2020 | 124.3 | 153.9 |
| Oct. 2020 | 126.5 | 152.6 |
| Jan. 2021 | 125.4 | 154.1 |
| April 2021 | 125 | 154.5 |
| July 2021 | 124.7 | 153.5 |
| Oct. 2021 | 123.6 | 154.3 |
| Jan. 2022 | 121.6 | 152.4 |
| April 2022 | 118.9 | 151.3 |
| July 2022 | 119.4 | 151.3 |
| Oct. 2022 | 118.4 | 152.1 |
| Jan. 2023 | 118.4 | 152.6 |
| April 2023 | 119.5 | 153.9 |
| July 2023 | 120.3 | 155.8 |
| Oct. 2023 | 120.9 | 157.4 |
| Jan. 2024 | 121.5 | 157.8 |
| April 2024 | 121.9 | 159.2 |
| July 2024 | 122.9 | 160.6 |
| Oct. 2024 | 123.1 | 161.4 |
| Jan. 2025 | 123.5 | 161.4 |
| April 2025 | 123.9 | 163.1 |
| July 2025 | 124.4 | 164.9 |
| Oct. 2025 | 125.4 | 165.4 |
| Jan. 2026 | 125.9 | 166 |
| April 2026 | 125.3 | 166.8 |
| July 2026 | 125.6 | 168.3 |
It holds. Total profits reached 17.2% of national income in Q2 2026, a clear series high by our calculation. Of the versions we checked, only one leaves 1950–51 higher, and it mixes foreign profits with domestic income.
Total profits with BEA's adjustments, over national income, the kind of measure in Reich's chart, hit 17.19% in Q2 and 16.15% in Q1, against a prior high of 15.96% in 2021, by our calculation13,29,15. A similar line circulated in September, citing a May figure of 12.1% of income30. BEA's domestic measure gives 12.71% for Q2 against 12.66% in late 1950, by our calculation31,7. On that measure, Q1's 11.87% sat just below Q2 2021's 11.88%, so it holds only with Q2.
Total before-tax profits without those adjustments, including income from abroad, were 15.61% of gross domestic income in Q2 against 16.67% in late 1950. Over national income, which counts income from abroad, they hit 18.66% against 18.60%, a series high, by our calculation32,7,15. A chart posted by Schneider shows petroleum at roughly $125 billion in Q2. Domestic profits rose $356 billion, a different series, so about a third is a rough comparison, by our calculation28,31. BEA publishes Q3 profits on Nov. 2533.
Facts can't settle this part, so we don't rule on it.
Should policy try to shift more of output toward workers, or focus on raising pay and leave the split to technology and markets?
The numbers don't answer this. Economists offer offshoring, automation, large firms, weaker bargaining and tax accounting as causes, and they weigh them differently34,35,36,10.
Workers produce far more than their pay reflects, and the gap is a matter of power that policy can change.
Anna Stansbury and Lawrence Summers argue that declining worker power explains a falling labor share, slow wages and high profits together, and fits the evidence better than rising firm market power does. Their data tie reduced worker power to lower wages and higher profit shares36. Goldman's economists count about 60% of the drop as real, with weaker bargaining among the causes10.
The accounting fixes don't make it go away. Konczal's preferred measure, the net share at nonfinancial corporations, has no proprietors to argue about, and it has fallen further since COVID and again since January 202512. Even using output prices for both, output per hour is up 68.3% since 2000 and pay 41.3%, by our calculation22,24,25. Rising pay doesn't settle fairness when the people producing the gains keep a shrinking part of them. "This is why we must build back worker power," Reich writes13.
The share is a poor target. Much of the fall is accounting, and much of the rest reflects productive firms and housing.
The headline overstates any transfer. A third of the corporate share's fall from 1978 to 2017 reflects business income moving into pass-throughs after the 1986 tax law, according to Smith and coauthors37. Matthew Rognlie finds capital's long-run rise comes mostly from housing, which has "relatively broad ownership," and says to "keep an eye on housing costs"38. Over a third of the pay-productivity gap since 2000 comes from using different price indexes, by our calculation22,23,24,25.
Autor and coauthors tie the fall to activity moving toward highly productive "superstar" firms35. Elsby, Hobijn and Şahin found the headline overstates the fall by a third, through how self-employment is estimated, and that falling union membership isn't a major cause34. Supporters say pay growth and housing costs are better targets, and that lifting the share by slowing productive firms could leave workers with a larger slice of a smaller pie.
Every source was opened and read. Advocacy groups are labeled as such.
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